Wednesday, February 17, 2016

From Calcutta to Tübingen - Thomas Moore's "All That's Bright Must Fade" (1818)


Poet and songwriter Thomas Moore is today best known for the famous Irish Melodies, one of the most successful collection of songs ever. But just like others at that time he also wrote new lyrics for international national airs, foreign tunes said to be from all kind of different countries. In fact there was a great fashion for this genre particularly from the 1790s until 1830. Moore's Selection of Popular National Airs, published in six volumes between 1818 and 1828, may have been the most popular collection of this kind (see in this blog: "Melodies of Different Nations": Anthologies of International "National Airs" in Britain 1800-1830 - Pt. 2). In the first booklet (at the Internet Archive) we can find for example airs described as French, Portuguese, Italian, Spanish, Sicilian, Indian and Russian. 

But I have always wondered: where did Mr. Moore get all those tunes? In fact he was not forthcoming about his sources. Of course he traveled much and he may have heard one or the other melody somewhere during his trips. He also knew many people and they may have supplied him with what they knew. But often enough one gets the impression that he had simply invented some of these melodies himself. This collection includes for example a couple of "Scottish" tunes but as far as I could find out they are not known in Scotland and they can't be found in any of the anthologies of Scottish airs that were available at that time (see in this blog: Thomas Moore's "Scottish Songs"). 

But recently I happened to come across the source for at least one tune, the "Indian Air" of "All That's Bright Must Fade" in the first volume (pp. 9-15). This particular song also became the starting-point for an interesting discussion in the music press about the copyright of national airs. Not at least it was later also published in Germany, in one of the most popular anthologies of international "Volkslieder". Therefore a closer look at the song and its history should be worthwhile:

All that's bright must fade, the brightest still the fleetest;
All that's sweet was made but to be lost when sweetest.
Stars that shine and fall; the flower that drops in springing;
These, alas! are types of all to which our hearts are clinging.
All that's bright must fade, the brightest still the fleetest;
All that's sweet was made but to be lost when sweetest?

Who would seek our prize delights that end in aching?
Who would trust to ties that every hour are breaking?
Better far to be in utter darkness lying,
Than to be blest with light and see that light for ever flying.
All that's bright must fade, the brightest still the fleetest;
All that's sweet was made but to be lost when sweetest? 


At that time melodies from India had been popular in England for nearly 30 years. In the late 1780s some open-minded members of the the new English elite in Calcutta became interested in the music of the indigenous population (see for example Bor 1988, Woodfield 1995, pp. 281-95; Farrell 1997, pp. 15-44; see also in this blog: "Exotic" Airs in Germany - Dalberg's "Ueber die Musik der Indier", chapter III). Among them was one William Hamilton Bird. Not much is known about him except that he was quite busy as an impresario, conductor and instrumentalist in the local music scene of Calcutta (see Farrell, p. 32). But he compiled and published the very first collection of Indian tunes for an English audience and also included some helpful and interesting information about the different genres: Rekhtahs, Teranas, Tuppahs and Raagnies
  • William Hamilton Bird, The Oriental Miscellany; Being A Collection Of The Most Favourite Airs of Hindoostan, Compiled And Adapted For The Harpsichord, &c., Cooper, Calcutta, 1789 (at the Internet Archive
Of course these 30 melodies - all arranged for piano - were not "authentic" in an ethnomusicological sense. He adapted them to Western musical style to make them playable. They were intended "for the entertainment of his friends, and the public" ([p. IV]). The tunes appeared "in a form in which doubtless almost every trace of their original character has been lost, except perhaps their general melodic contour" (Woodfield 1995, p. 294). In this collection we can find the original version of the tune later used by Moore for his "All That's Bright Must Fade", a so-called Tuppah (p. 37). According to Hamilton Bird's explanations Tuppahs are "wild, but pleasing, when understood. They are of Mogul extraction, and have a peculiar style of their own" ([p. II]):

This collection served as a first introduction to original Indian music and in England it initiated a long-lasting fashion for what was called "Hindostannie Airs" (see f. ex. Cook 2007). More similar anthologies would follow. Around 1800 composer Edward Smith Biggs took 18 of Hamilton Bird's tunes and tried to make them even more digestible for English music fans and musicians. He wrote new arrangements and popular poet and writer Amelia Opie added new English lyrics. 
  • E. S. Biggs, Twelve Hindoo Airs with English Words Adapted to them by Mrs. Opie and Harmonized for One, Two, Three, and Four Voices, with an Accompaniment for the Piano Forte or Harp, R. Birchall, London, n. d. [c. 1800] (at the Internet Archive & Gallica BnF
  • E. S. Biggs, A Second Set of Hindoo Airs with English Words Adapted to them by Mrs. Opie and Harmonized for One, Two, Three, and Four Voices, (or for a Single Voice) with an Accompaniment for the Piano Forte or Harp, R. Birchall, London, n. d. [c. 1800] (at the Internet Archive & Gallica BnF
Among the tunes used here was also this particular Tuppah: "Dream of Soft Delight", Air VIII in the first of these volumes (pp. 28-9). It was the first attempt to turn it into a modern popular song, nearly 20 years before Moore's "All That's Bright Must Fade": 

Not much is known about Edward Smith Biggs (?-1833; see AAOA, composers; year of death from IMSLP), not even when he was born. But it seems he was an industrious composer and arranger of popular songs. He also may have been a kind of pioneer regarding the publication and modernization of national airs. Biggs was among the first who adopted the model introduced by publisher George Thomson in the Select collection of Original Scotish Airs since 1793: take a tune, give it a modern arrangement and add, if necessary, new poetry. Thomson had hired continental composers Kozeluch and Pleyel - later Haydn and even Beethoven would work for him - and new words were written at first by Robert Burns.

Biggs had to write the arrangements himself and Amelia Opie (1769-1853; see AAOA) took care of the lyrics. Already in 1796 they had produced a small collection of Welsh songs, Six Welch Airs Adapted to English Words, and Harmonized for Two, Three, and Four Voices With an Accompaniment for the Piano Forte or Harp (at the Internet Archive; date: Kassler, 2/4/1796). After the Indian collection the two worked together on some more similar publications: Swiss songs, a "Favorite Irish Air", a ballad "written to a provincial melody" as well as a "Collection of Melodies, chiefly Russian" (see Kassler, 19/6/1802, 21/3/1803, 29/12/1804, 7/3/1808). A contemporary critic was impressed by her texts (The Cabinet 1, 1807, pp. 217-9, here pp. 218-9): 
"Mr. Biggs is indebted to her, for the poetry adapted to the Hindu and Welsh airs, which he collected [sic!] and published. This difficult task of writing appropriate words to such various and singular metres, she executed with an uncommon degree of ability". 
This approach was then perfected by Thomas Moore since 1808 with the Irish Melodies. Of course he had a little bit more to offer: his own lyrical imagination and the musical prowess of Sir John Stevenson. But nonetheless there is good reason to assume that he was familiar with Biggs' and Opie's work which looks just like a possible missing link between Thomson and him. 

It is not clear if he knew this particular tune from the Oriental Miscellany or if he borrowed it directly from Biggs collection. His version of the melody is not completely identical to the one in the Hindoo Airs. But of course Moore was a good musician and singer and it would have been no problem for him to modify it and make it fit for his own purposes. In fact he did and also showed how to turn a relic of of an original Indian melody into a modern popular song without loosing the "exotic" aura. 


The first volume of the Popular National Airs was greeted by the critics with great enthusiasm. The reviewer of The Gentleman's Magazine (90 I, 1820, p. 521) called it "one of the most pleasing collections of the kind we ever recollect to have met with" and lauded the "delightful poetry [...], which comprizes, according to our idea of beauty, some of the most highly polished specimens of the art of Songwriting we know in the English language". The author of the review in the Quarterly Musical Magazine & Review (1, 1818, pp. 225-9, here p. 227) particularly liked "All that's Bright Must Fade", in his words "one of the most captivating things we ever met with": 
"[...] in the measure and the melody taken together there is something so exquisitely touching, that dull indeed must be his soul and rigidly severe his cast of thought, who can bar the passage of his heart against their combined insinuations". 
But the success and popularity of a song often inspired other publishers and musicians to jump on the bandwagon and throw a rival product on the market. In this case it was well-known composer John Davy who borrowed the tune, arranged it anew and added a new set of words: 
  • Is My Love Then Flown? A Favourite Song, Adapted to an Indian Melody, with an Accompaniment for the Piano Forte, by J. Davy, Chappell & Co., London, n. d. [1820] , at the Internet Archive
Is my love then flown,
That love I thought sincerest;
Art thou faithless grown
To him who lov'd thee dearest.
Yes, no more I see
Thine eyes in beams are sparkling;
Looks which once shed joy o'er me,
Are now both cold and darkling.

Yet an hour will come
When all thy charms so blooming,
Like flowers on a tomb,
Chill time will be consuming!
Then thou'lt think of him
Betray'd with hopes deceiving;
And a tear perhaps may dim
Thine eyes for me while grieving.
John Davy (1763-1824; see DNB 14, pp. 194-5, at wikisource) wasn't a nobody but a well-known composer and songwriter. "Bay of Biscay" was his greatest success. Nonetheless the editor of the Quarterly Magazine felt it necessary to question his honesty (2, 1820, p. 505): 
"We must take leave to ask Mr. Davy one question, in our character of the guardians of musical proprietorship, which is, whether he had already adapted this melody to these words before it appeared in the first volume of the National Airs [...]? If not, we know not how we will palliate the offence he has committed against good taste and against what ought in common fairness to be held the property of Mr. Power [...]" 
Of course the recycling of national airs was common practice. Everybody did it, including Moore himself. But in this case an interesting discussion followed. One correspondent endorsed the editor's stern remarks and found even stronger words (Vol. 3, pp. 151-3): 
"[...] I trust you will permit me to offer a few remarks in the shameful manner in which musical copy right has been invaded, and property which is, and ought to be considered sacred, wantonly violated. National airs are correctly supposed to be national property, but they are only so being the unmodulated ditties of the multitude [...] songs that have been orally preserved for centuries; such of course every person is at liberty to publish, or rather print; but when a man of genius and of science softens down the asperities of an air which has long been familiar to every ear, and by his labour and peculiar skill produces new beauties and harmony which the primitive melody never possessed; I would ask, is that melody, snatched from the vulgar mouth, refined, improved and adorned [...], is that melody, to be considered as common property, and the arranger possessed of no further control over the disposal of it than any other individual of the community? Certainly not [...]" 
He also referred to another case: one Mr. Walker had taken two tunes from the Irish Melodies and - just like Davy - published them with new words. But: songs were money, Moore received £ 500 a year for his work because he was able to turn obscure melodies into great hits. Of course the publisher wanted to protect his investment and any rival product was an attempt to deny him his well-deserved return. In fact this writer sounded like publisher Power's mouthpiece. 

Another correspondent disagreed, at least regarding Davy's publication. According to him this song was not an attempt at deceiving the customers. He also strictly disagreed with the idea that a tune belonged for the standard copyright time of 28 years to the one who had used it first (Vol. 3, pp. 283-5): 
"[...] are we to be told, and have it laid down as a rule, that because Mr. Moore selects national airs to write poetry to, that a seal is thereby set on them, and that any man who dares to take some of the same airs to write other words to, is to be designated as a pirate [...] I admire as much as any one can, the beauty of the words set to the Irish Melodies, and Mr. Moore's patriotism in having collected [them]. But can it be said that it is patriotism or any thing short of 'money getting', that has since induced Mr. Moore to write words to the airs of Spain, Portugal, Italy, France, &c., and if this is his motto, why should he prevent others from adopting it, for who can tell whether after having run his course on the continent, he will not [...] return to his native home and select English melodies; if he does not in the mean time grow too rich , I shall consider this a very probable case [...]". 
This writer claimed to defend the "the rights of the public" although it seems to me that the right of publishers and composers to produce rival products were more important to him. But in a footnote the editor of the Quarterly Magazine defended again the "exclusive claim" of the original editor: 
"[...] if the second adaptor is led to his work by the first - it is the consideration that determines the question of plagiarism [...] Did Mr. Davy set these words to this air before Mr. Moore's national airs appeared? If not, he was led to it by Mr. Moore, and this exactly constitutes the difference between a plagiarism and no plagiarism. Nothing can be more clear or more simple, and no sophistry about common rights can involve it in difficulty. The second publication either did or did not arise out of the knowledge of the first and the celebrity obtained thereby to the air. If it did arise out of such knowledge, it was plagiarism to the fullest extent of the meaning of the term [...]". 
But interestingly none of them of them was aware of the fact that this particular tune had been available in England for 30 years - since the publication of the Oriental Miscellany - and that it already had been edited and published with new lyrics before: by Mr. Biggs in 1800. According to the logic of these defenders of copyright it would have at that time still belonged to Biggs and his publisher and it would have been Moore who was guilty of plagiarism, especially if he had found it in the Hindoo Airs. In fact this problem was much more complicated than they imagined. Thomas Moore's publisher and his supporters moved on very thin ice here because he also had to get his tunes somewhere and often enough they were borrowed from other printed collections. 

In this case apparently nothing more happened. Davy's song remained obscure and I don't get the impression that the publisher lost much money because of him. Moore's song remained available and by all accounts it was very popular throughout the century (see Copac), not only in England but of course also in the USA where it was published as single sheet music, for example by Blake in Philadelphia (c. 1818?, at UNC). Just like in Britain the text was easily available in numerous editions of Moore's poetry. Amusingly I found the opening lines of this song even quoted in a book about home laundry published in Minneapolis in 1912 (here, p. 57).


Moore's "All That's Bright Must Fade" also migrated to Germany, but only two decades later. It was Friedrich Silcher from Tübingen, apparently a great fan of Thomas Moore's songs, who took advantage of the non-existence of international copyright and plundered the Popular National Airs for his own collection of international "Volkslieder": 
  • No. 5: "Alle Lust Hat Leid. Indisch", in: Friedrich Silcher, Ausländische Volksmelodien, mit deutschem, zum Theil aus dem Englischen etc. übertragenem Text, gesammelt und für eine oder zwei Singstimmen mit Begleitung des Pianoforte und der Guitarre gesetzt, Heft 3, Fues, Tübingen, n. d. [1839], pp. 6-7)
Alle Lust hat Leid, das Schönste muss verderben,
Huld und Herrlichkeit lebt nur, um bald zu sterben.
Sternenschein vergeht, die Blume welkt im Keime,
Und so schnell sind auch verweht des Herzens liebste Träume!
Alle Lust hat Leid, das Schönste muss verderben,
Huld und Herrlichkeit lebt nur, um bald zu sterben.

Trau' der Freude nicht! nur Thränen sind ihr Ende:
Jede Stunde bricht entzwei die liebsten Hände.
Lieber bleibe fern im Dunkel ohne Schimmer,
Sieh nicht an dem lichten Stern, der dir verlischt auch immer!
Alle Lust hat Leid, das Schönste muss verderben,
Huld und Herrlichkeit lebt nur, um bald zu sterben.
I have discussed this anthology already several times (see in this blog: Ausländische Volkslieder" in 19th-Century Germany, Pt. 2). The Popular National Airs served as its backbone, it was in some way an unofficial German bootleg edition of Moore's collection. As far as I know Silcher never asked Moore or his publisher if he could use this songs nor is there any evidence that he ever sent any royalties to England. Just like everybody else he clearly believed that national airs were free to use for everyone - except his own, of course. Later he was annoyed when someone in England published some of his songs without permission and without even sending a complimentary copy (see Dahmen, p. 151). 

But on the other hand this was the first major publication of Moore's songs including the music in Germany. Thomas Moore was mostly known as a poet but the melodies were difficult to get by and were rarely published. It was this collection that brought his songs to the attention of German music fans and some of them became part of the popular singing tradition. 

The German text was by Hermann Kurtz (later Kurz; 1813-1873; see Wikipedia), a relative and friend of Silcher and formerly a student in Tübingen. He would later become a very popular poet and writer. He was also an early admirer and translator of Moore's poetry and songs as well a major contributor to the Ausländische Volksmelodien. Kurz did a good job with this song as with most of the others he wrote for Silcher. The German words are close to the original text and also singable. Unlike many other German translators of Moore's lyrics he was familiar with the tunes of these songs and knew how to write texts for singing. In fact he was a singer himself and during his time in Tübingen a member of Silcher's choir. 

For some reason this particular song didn't leave a lasting impression and it never became as popular as others from Silcher's collection. Of course one may assume that it was occasionally sung in German living-rooms. The Ausländische Volksmelodien remained available for the rest of the century and was regularly reprinted and republished, for example in the '70s in a nice edition in one volume (here No. 25, pp. 36-7). But the song was very rarely published anew as sheet music or in songbooks. I only found three later editions: 
  • No. 71: "Leid in Lust. Indisch", in: Wilhelm Meyer, Volks-Liederbuch. Auserlesene ältere und neuere Volkslieder und Nationalgesänge des In- und Auslandes mit ihren eigenthümlichen Sangweisen. Für den vierstimmigen Männerchor, Hahn'sche Hofbuchhandlung, Hannover, 1873, p. 77 
  • No. 6: "Alle Lust Hat Leid", in: Franz-Magnus Böhme, Heimische und fremde Weisen für vierstimmigen Männerchor gesetzt, Schott, Mainz, 1882 (see Hofmeister XIX, Februar 1882, p. 55
  • No. 74: "Lust und Leid. Indisches Volkslied", in: J. Heinrich Lützel, Chorlieder für Gymnasien und Realschulen, 3. verm. Auflage, J. J. Tascher, Kaiserslautern, 1885, pp. 157-9 
These were all arrangements for choirs. Meyer's book is an excellent collection of German and international songs and he borrowed a lot of them from Silcher's publications including this one. Böhme's version apparently wasn't sold very well. The sheet music is very rare. Lützel was - to my knowledge - the only one who included this piece in a songbook for schools. But that was all. It never became a standard like for example the German version of "Hark! The Versper Hymn is Stealing". For some reason German publishers and editors also tended to ignore the Popular National Airs. Besides Silcher nobody else made these songs available in Germany. Usually they confined themselves to the Irish Melodies, as did Alfons Kissner who compiled several anthologies of Moore's songs in the 1870s. 

Thomas Moore was very popular in Germany as a poet. German readers usually came to know Moore's songtexts as poetry, not so much as songs with music. Of course every up-and-coming writer tried his hand at translating these poems. Numerous adaptations were published in poetical anthologies, in newspapers and magazine. There were also at least 11 attempts at translating "All That's Bright Must Fade" anew (see Eßmann, p. 116), mostly by rather obscure minor poets. The best known of them may have been Luise Büchner, a writer and women's rights activist who included her own translation in the popular anthology Dichterstimmen aus Heimath und Fremde. Für Frauen und Jungfrauen (here 5th ed., Halle [1872], p. 489). But this text - called "Indisches Lied" - sounds very stiff and unmusical. It is hardly singable. I wonder if she knew the tune. Finally I don't want to forget to mention that at least one academic scholar took note of this song. Eduard Engel - in his Geschichte der Englischen Literatur (2nd ed., Leipzig, 1888, p. 436) - called it one of Moore's "most beautiful and heartfelt poems" and ranked it among his very few "more profound" songs - "tiefere Lieder" -, whatever that was supposed to mean.


All in all we have here once again a tune with a most interesting history. It was collected by an English musician in the 1780s in India and it is not known how it looked and sounded originally. This melody was then published in an arrangement for piano in the Oriental Miscellany and that way it became available in England. Already in 1800 composer E. S. Biggs in cooperation with poet Amelia Opie turned it into a popular song, but apparently without much success. I must add that the tune was first published in Germany in 1802, in Dalberg's Musik der Indier (No. 28, p. 26). This extended German edition of Sir William Jones' important treatise On the Musical Modes of the Hindus (1792) offered as an additional bonus all the pieces from the Oriental Miscellany (see in this blog: "Exotic" Airs in Germany - Dalberg's Musik der Indier (1802)). But Dalberg only reprinted the melody and left out Hamilton Bird's piano arrangement because his aim was to document "original" Indian music. 

Only in 1818 Thomas Moore reanimated this tune - at that time already available for 30 years - and his song became a popular hit. There was at least one controversial offspring, John Davy's "Is My Love Then Flown". All three texts written up to that point had of course nothing to do with India. In 1839 the tune came to Germany a second time, now with Friedrich Silcher's German version of Moore's song. As already mentioned it wasn't such a big success but one may assume that during the next several decades it was at least occasionally sung in in living-rooms and by some choirs. In fact this tune from India made a trip around half the world but in the end barely anything was left of its original form except the "general melodic contour". Otherwise it was completely westernized and adapted to new genres. But it still gave the singers and listeners the idea that this was something "exotic" and that it was in some way still connected to Indian culture.

  • AAOA = The Amelia Alderson Opie Archive (Queen's University, Kingston, Canada) 
  • Joep Bor, The Rise of Ethnomusicology: Sources on Indian Music c.1780 - c.1890, in: Yearbook for Traditional Music 20, 1988, pp. 51-73 
  • Nicholas Cook, Encountering the Other, Redefining the Self: Hindostannie Airs, Haydn's Folksong Settings and the 'Common Practice' Style, in: Martin Clayton & Bennett Zon (eds.), Music and Orientalism in the British Empire 1780s - 1940s. Portrayal of the East, Aldershot & Burlington, 2007, pp. 13-38
  • Hermann Josef Dahmen, Friedrich Silcher, Komponist und Demokrat. Eine Biographie, Stuttgart & Wien 1989 
  • Helga Eßmann (ed.), Anthologien mit Dichtungen der Britischen Inseln und der USA. Mit einem Anhang: Amerikanische Short Stories in deutschsprachigen Anthologien, Stuttgart, 2000 (= Übersetzte Literatur in deutschsprachigen Anthologien: eine Bibliographie, Teilband 3) 
  • Gerry Farrell, Indian Music and the West, Oxford, 1997 
  • Michael Kassler, Music Entries at Stationers' Hall 1710-1818. From Lists prepared for William Hawes, D. W. Krummel, and Alan Tyson and from Other Sources, Burlington, 2004 (Online Edition, 2013, partly at Google Books
  • [Thomas Moore], A Selection of Popular National Airs with Symphonies and Accompaniments by Sir John Stevenson MusDoc; [Henry R. Bishop]. The Words by Thomas Moore, Esq., 6 Volumes, J. Power, London, 1818-1828 (first 3 Vols. digitized by BStB: 4 35243-(1-3) [click on Einzelbände], also at the Internet Archive
  • Ueber die Musik der Indier. Eine Abhandlung des William Jones. Aus dem Englischen übersetzt, mit erläuternden Anmerkungen und Zusätzen begleitet, von F. H. v. Dalberg. Nebst einer Sammlung indischer und anderer Volks-Gesänge und 30 Kupfern, Beyer und Maring, Erfurt, 1802 (available at BStB, München, 4 & at the Internet Archive
  • Ian Woodfield, English Musicians in the Age of Exploration, Stuyvesant NY, 1995 (= Sociology of Music 8)

Sunday, February 7, 2016

"Exotic" Airs in Germany - Dalberg's "Ueber die Musik der Indier" (1802)


In the previous article I have discussed the publication of national airs of the more exotic kind in France by both Rousseau in his Dictionnaire de Musique (1768) and by Laborde in his Essai sur la Musique (1780). The latter had offered - as part of this massive musicological treatise - the largest collection so far with more than 50 tunes. In fact it was at that time the best summary of what was known about foreign musical cultures. Germany - as usual - was a little behind the time in this respect. Johann Gottfried Herder published his groundbreaking anthology of Volkslieder in 1778/9 but this was a multicultural collection of only texts. Of course there were books by travellers, explorers and missionaries about foreign countries and cultures - most of them translated from French or English - and some of them even included notes about music as well as musical examples. 

Some influential pioneers became interested in this genre and made available at least a few assorted "exotic" tunes. Musicologist Johann Nicolaus Forkel for example reprinted the relevant parts as well as some musical examples from two popular travel reports - by Forster and Niebuhr - in the Musikalisch-Kritische Bibliothek (2, 1778, pp. 306-320). He also listed some of the already available literature from France and England in his Allgemeine Litteratur der Musik (1792, see pp. 32-3; pp. 135-6), a useful bibliography, even though in this respect very incomplete. The legendary Abbé Vogler apparently traveled as far as North Africa and brought some tunes back. He published two small collections in the 1790s, Polymelos ou Caractères de Musique de differentes Nations (1791) and Pieces de Clavecin faciles (1798). The latter included melodies from Africa and China. Vogler also performed these kind of tunes in his spectacular organ concerts (see: Polymelos - Abbé Vogler's Collections of National Airs). 

But only in 1802 - also the year the first collection of Scottish songs appeared in Germany: Haydn's Alt-Schottische Balladen und Lieder (available at the Internet Archive) - the first comprehensive anthology of "exotic" national airs was published as a part of Fritz von Dalberg's extended German edition of a 10 year old article about Indian music by the famous English orientalist Sir William Jones. Here the interested reader could find more than 50 Indian, Chinese, Arab and Persian tunes as well as a lot of additional information about oriental music: 
  • Ueber die Musik der Indier. Eine Abhandlung des William Jones. Aus dem Englischen übersetzt, mit erläuternden Anmerkungen und Zusätzen begleitet, von F. H. v. Dalberg. Nebst einer Sammlung indischer und anderer Volks-Gesänge und 30 Kupfern, Beyer und Maring, Erfurt, 1802 (available at BSB, München, 4 & at the Internet Archive; also at Universität Wien, Phaidra) [the part with the tunes was also published separately as 'Lieder der Indier und anderer orientalischen Völker', Beyer & Maring, Erfurt, 1802]
Johann Friedrich Hugo von Dalberg (1760-1812; see Embach & Godwin 1998, Embach & Gallé 2012; see also Wikipedia) was a very interesting character but is barely known today. He came from an old and distinguished family. His older brother was the last Kurfürst of Mainz. He himself became capitular in Worms, Speyer and Mainz, typical benefices in these circles. Dalberg studied law, was appointed Geheimrat and became an expert for education but otherwise avoided a career in politics or bureaucracy. Instead he turned his attention to the arts and made himself a name as a musicologist - among his works were for example Blicke eines Tonkünstlers in die Musik der Geister (1787, at UB Heidelberg) and Untersuchungen über den Ursprung der Harmonie (1800, at BSB) - , composer - mostly of songs (see Embach & Godwin, pp. 497-551; see his first collection, 1788, at UB Frankfurt) - , pianist, translator and writer. And not at least he was one of the first German orientalists.
At that time intellectuals in Germany were looking east. Herder had proclaimed in 1774 - in his anonymously published Auch eine Philosophie der Geschichte zur Bildung der Menschheit (p. 147) - the orient - "das Morgenland" - as the "cradle of humanity". Especially India became something like a "dreamland" for everybody who was searching for the sources and origins of Western culture. It was more or less Herder who created what has been called the "mythical image" of India (see Willson 1964, pp. 49-71; also Frank 2009) and he had to rely on the available literature mostly from England and France, being it travel books, translations of Eastern literature or scholarly treatises. In fact German scholars were in this respect completely dependent on their English colleagues who of course were able to do original research. 

Dalberg knew Herder personally, he corresponded and traveled with him and as a faithful admirer felt inspired by his ideas (see Embach & Godwin, pp. 171-202, pp. 367-8; Kovar, pp. 44-5). In the preface he  referred to Asia as "die Wiege unseres Geschlechtes" where music must have been developed first: "the earliest musical knowledge, like the beginning and origin of all arts and sciences, should be searched for" there, especially in India (pp. III-IV). But to learn more about Indian music he had to go to London, at that time something like the multicultural capital of Europe. 


The '80s and '90s saw "the rapid acceleration of the cultural discovery of India" (Farrell, p. 10) and the key figure of this movement was Sir William Jones (1746-1794; see Cannon 1990; see Wikipedia), from 1783 until his early death judge in Calcutta. Already in 1784 the Royal Asiatick Society of Bengal was founded, with Sir William as the first President. He knew a lot of languages including Persian, Arabic, Hebrew, also learned Sanskrit and was busy as a linguist, translator and orientalist. With an astonishing productivity he produced numerous works. Jones also started and edited a periodical, the Asiatick Researches [see ESTC T149936], that was published in Calcutta since 1789 and regularly reprinted in London. The first volume was even translated into German (Riga 1795, at  BStB). Here the interested reader could find most of the relevant original research. 

Also music from India became a topic of interest (see Bor 1988; Woodfield 1995, pp. 281-95, Farrell 1997, pp. 15-44; Zon 2007, pp. 48-59; Zon 2006; Cook 2007). Until the 1780s barely anything was known about it except some occasional notes by travellers and missionaries (see Woodfield 1995, pp. 276-8; Bor 1988, pp. 52-4). Laborde in his Essai (1780) didn't even mention Indian music. French voyager Pierre Sonnerat wasn't particularly impressed of what he had heard and the short remarks in his Voyage aux Indes Orientales et a la Chine (1782, pp. 101; also German ed., 1783, pp. 78-9) sound rather dismissive:
"La Musique est dans le même état d'imperfection que les autres arts. Les chant est sans harmonie [...] Les Indiens ont plusiers instruments [...] Celui qui fait le plus de bruit, est pour eux le plus beau & le plus harmonieux".
But already the first volume of the Asiatick Researches included an interesting article by Francis Fowke about musical instruments (pp. 295-99, here in the 5th ed., London 1806). Sir William Jones himself also found some time to deal with music and he worked on his article about the "Musical Modes of the Hindus" since 1784. But it only appeared in 1792 in the third volume of the Asiatick Researches (pp. 55-87).
This was only a rather short, theoretical and fragmentary treatise. He wrote mostly about the scales and added only one musical example. But it was the first serious discussion of the principles of Indian music based on first-hand knowledge and it became the starting-point for all further research (see Zon 2006, pp. 199-205). This article can be seen as only one of several attempts at a more thorough examination of oriental musical cultures. In 1779 the at that point most comprehensive work about Chinese music had appeared in Paris, the Mémoire Sur La Musique Des Chinois, Tant Anciens Que Modernes (at the Internet Archive)  by French Jesuit missionary Joseph-Maries Amiot. The Austrian officer and scholar Franz Joseph Sulzer added a chapter of more than 100 pages about Turkish Music to his Geschichte des transalpinischen Daciens (3 Vols., 1781-2, here Vol. 2, pp. 430-547). Also Italian scholar Giambatista Toderini wrote about music in his Letteratura Turchesca (Vol. 1, 1787, pp. 222-52; German ed., 1790, Vol. 1, pp. 240-67). Jones' publication closed another gap and put India on the musical map. 

At that time a lively music scene in Calcutta had developed among the new English elite. They imported musical instruments and music from home (see Woodfield 2001). Some of them also started collecting and playing local music. One William Hamilton Bird - who was quite busy there as impresario, conductor and instrumentalist and about whom not much else is known (see Farrell, p. 32) - managed to compile, arrange and then publish the very first collection of Indian tunes - "taken down from actual performances [and] written down in staff notation for performance of Western instruments" (dto., p. 31) - in 1789: 
  • William Hamilton Bird, The Oriental Miscellany; Being A Collection Of The Most Favourite Airs of Hindoostan, Compiled And Adapted For The Harpsichord, &c., Cooper, Calcutta, 1789 (at the Internet Archive)
Here we can find 30 tunes, all arranged for piano, some with variations, as well as an Introduction with helpful explanations about the different genres: Rekhtahs, Teranas, Tuppahs and Raagnies. Especially with the latter he had some problems and noted that they "are so void of meaning, and any degree of regularity that it is impossible to bring them into any form for performance, by any singers but those of their country" ([pp. II-III]). Of course he had to adapt these tunes to Western musical style: "it has cost him great pains to bring them into any form as to TIME, which the music of Hindostan is extremely deficient in" ([p. I]. One should not ask for "authenticity" in a modern sense. The tunes appeared "in a form in which doubtless almost every trace of their original character has been lost, except perhaps their general melodic contour" (Woodfield 1995, p. 294).  
But this didn't matter much. It was a start and a first step to a closer acquaintance with original Indian music and here we can see a kind of new "innocent openness to non-European culture" (see Cook, p. 17). Hamilton Bird was no ethnomusicologist. This was music for practical use, for musicians to perform and "for the entertainment of his friends, and the public" (Oriental Miscellany, [p. IV]). 

This collection also became available in London where it initiated a fashion for so-called "Hindostannie Airs". More publications by other editors would follow and Indian tunes became part of the popular music scene (see Zon 2007, p. 50). Some years later composer Edward Smith Biggs tried to make Hamilton Bird's melodies even more digestible. He published 18 of them in modern arrangements and with new poetry by popular writer Amelia Opie (Twelve Hindoo Airs, at Gallica BnF; A Second Set of Hindoo Airs, at at Gallica BnF, [n. d., c. 1800], also available at the Internet Archive). Later, in 1818, even Thomas Moore would use one of Hamilton Bird's tunes for his popular hit "All That's Bright Must Fade" (Tuppah, p. 37; Popular National Airs I, 1818, [No. 3], pp. 9-15). 


Fritz von Dalberg, eager to find out more about Indian and Oriental music, made his pilgrimage to London. It is not clear when exactly he was there and if he traveled to England one or two times. But he may have spent some time there in 1793-4 and then in 1798 and he may have also met Joseph Haydn there (see Embach & Godwin, pp. 363-6). It is also not clear if he had become familiar with Jones' article already in Germany or if he read it first in London. Of course he couldn't meet Sir William himself who was in India and died there much too early in 1794. But he made the acquaintance of Richard Johnson, "a well-known collector of Indian and Persian manuscripts and miniatures [...] who seems to have had a profound knowledge of Indian music" (Boer, p. 55). Mr. Johnson supported Dalberg with a stunning generosity and made it possible for him to produce more than only a translation of the "Musical Modes". For example he provided him with so-called ragmalas that he used to illustrate his book (pp. 85-100, and Appendix; see Embach & Godwin, p. 367).

Dalberg was not satisfied with Jones' sparse and fragmentary attempt and his more theoretical approach. He widened the perspective by also discussing the music of other oriental cultures - Arabia, Persia, China, the South Sea -, he added more relevant additional research and he also added many more musical examples, ending up with more than 50 tunes (see Kovar, pp. 42-3; Embach & Godwin, p. 369, pp. 372-4). 

For the part about India Dalberg included for example the remarks about musical instruments from Sonnerat's Voyage aux Indes Orientale et à la Chine (Vol. 1, 1782, pp. 101-3; in Dalberg, pp. 78-80), Fowke's above-mentioned description of the Vina from the first volume of the Asiatick Researches (here pp. 74-76) as well as his own "Zusätze und Bemerkungen", a critical discussion of Jones' article (pp. 44-58). Most important was the great number of additional tunes. Mr. Johnson performed one song for him (No. II; see p. IV) and also helped him out with a copy of the Oriental Miscellany. Dalberg reprinted all 30 melodies (Nos. 3-32), but without the accompanying arrangements. He also quoted explanations of the different genres (pp. XI-XIV). Interestingly he was not completely convinced of the merits of this collection, questioned the tunes' authenticity and even doubted if Mr. Hamilton Bird had really the grasped the spirit and the subtleties of Indian music. This critical attitude is characteristic of his work (see Kovar, p. 49-50) and at times he sounded like an early ethnomusicologist. 

Also some of the more recent literature was consulted. Italian missionary and Sanskrit scholar Fra Paolino da San Bartolomeo had published his Viaggio alle Indie Orientali in 1796. Here Dalberg found some songs from Malabar including one with a tune (pp. 325-30, at NB, Oslo; German edition, 1798, pp. 365-70, at the Internet Archive) and this was also dutifully added as an addendum (pp. 80-84; No. 23, p. 29). English orientalist William Ouseley (1767-1842) had started a new ambitious periodical in 1797, the Oriental Collections. Three volumes appeared until 1800 and here the interested reader could find translations of poetry, scholarly articles and the more, even some music. One text with the title "Anecdotes on Indian Music" included four tunes (Vol. 1, 1797, pp. 70-9) and the same volume also offered a "Bengalee tune" (Misc. plate before p. 383; p. 385). These were more welcome additions to Dalberg's collection (Nos. 34-38; 42) .

Besides all these information about Indian music he turned his attention also to the music of other oriental cultures and added musical examples "um sie mit den indischen Gesängen vergleichen zu können" (p. XIV). Chinese music was of course not unknown in Germany. Du Halde's Description Géographique, Historique, Chronologique, Politique, et Physique De L'Empire de la Chine et de la Tartarie Chinoise (Paris, 1735) with half a dozen tunes had been translated into German (5 Vols., 1747-56, here Vol. 3, pp. 346-8). Johann Christian Hüttner had recently made available two songs from an English publication (see Der Neue Teutsche Merkur, 1796, 1. Band, pp. 47-63 & "Canzonetta Chinese" with translation, bef. p. 47, at UB Bielefeld; Journal des Luxus und der Moden 11, 1796, pp. 35-40, at UrMEL). Dalberg instead used Amiot's Mémoire Sur La Musique Des Chinois (see there pp. 184-5) and also reprinted the only musical example from this book (pp. 119-24; No. L, pp. 41-3). Some more Chinese tunes were taken from Ouseley's Oriental Collections (Vol. 1, 1797, p. 343; Vol. 2, 1798, pp. 148-9; see Nos. 28-41). 

He also added a chapter about Arab and Persian music based on the available literature (pp. 100-19; Nos. 43-48) and used as examples the one Persian tune from Chardin's Voyages en Perse, et Autres Lieux de L'Orient (1711, here Vol. 2, plate No. 26) and the six pieces from Thomas Shaw's Travels or Observations Relating to Several Parts of Barbary and the Levant (Oxford, 1738, p. 272, French ed., 1743, Vol. 1, p. 348; German ed., 1765, pp. 180-1). Apparently he wasn't aware of the music collected by Danish traveller Georg Höst in the 1760s and published on Germany in 1781 (plate No. 32, after p. 262). These tunes would have also been a worthwhile addition to his collection. 

Not at least he also expanded to the South Pacific to show examples of the music of the less cultivated - "savage" - people . 25 years ago one Joshua Steele had studied an instrument brought to England by Captain Cooke's expedition and wrote an article for the Philosophical Transactions of the Royal Society with a very curious title: Remarks on a larger System of Reed Pipes from the Isle of Amsterdam, with some Observations on the Nose Flute of Otaheite (in Vol. 65, 1775, Pt 6, pp. 72-8). This was in fact an interesting treatise and Steele added two tunes. But of course these were his own compositions (see Agnew 2008, p. 114). Nonetheless Dalberg included this article as well as one of the musical examples as a "Melodie aus den Südseeinseln" (pp. 125-131; No. LIII, p. 44). More original were two tunes collected in New Zealand that he borrowed from Forster's book about Captain Cook's voyage around the world (Nos. LI & LII, pp. 43-4; f. ex. in Forster 1784, Vol. 3, pp. 303-4). 

All in all this was an outstanding work and a major contribution to the literature about oriental cultures even though it did not include original research. He "reached India only in Richard Johnson's bureau in London" (Embach & Godwin, p. 375) and had to rely on secondary literature. But it was the best that could be achieved by a German scholar who himself had never been to any of these countries. It was also the largest collection of more or less authentic "exotic" tunes available in Germany. He offered much more than the Abbé Vogler in his two above-mentioned small publications. Outside of Germany only Laborde's Essai with its numerous musical examples came close. Dalberg clearly did his best to understand and appreciate this music not from a viewpoint of European superiority but as an expression of another culture of equal value. With his critical attitude and the multi-cultural approach he may really be seen as a kind of progenitor of later comparative musicologists (see Kovar, p. 47, pp. 49-51). 

On the other hand this anthology also looks like a musical answer to Herder's Volkslieder, notwithstanding the fact no songs from these cultures had appeared there. But Dalberg had adopted - as the faithful Herderian he was - the latter's idea that songs - "Volksgesänge" - reflected a people's "Charakter und Kunstgenius" (p. XV). His reference to the tunes' "simplicity" (see also Kovar, p. 48, pp. 51-2) could have been written by Herder himself: 
"Dem bloß ausübenden Tonkünstler, der allen Reiz der Musik nur in künstliche Wendungen und Schwürigkeiten setzt, werden diese einfachen Volksgesänge nur wenig sagen [...] schätzbar sind sie dem denkenden Musiker, der voll Liebe zum Einfach-Schönen Nationalgesänge und alte Volksmelodien aussucht, um sich mit ihrem Geist vetraut zu machen" (pp. XIV-XV). 
In fact he lifted these "exotic" tunes out of their original context and adapted them anew, on his own terms, for the genre known as national airs or Volkslieder. In another related work from the same year he expressed similar sentiments. Jones had also published a prose translation of the Gitagovinda: Or The Songs of Jayadeva - written in the 12th century - in the third volume of the Asiatick Researches (1792, pp. 185-207). Dalberg translated this "delightful pastoral idyll" - "eine liebliche Hirtenidille" (p. vii) - into German as Gita-govinda oder die Gesänge Jajadeva's eines altindischen Dichters, but cleaned it up even more (p. xv; see Embach & Gallé, p. 79). This legendary poet's songs were reinterpreted as "Volkslieder" and of course he couldn't avoid a reference to MacPherson's Ossian
"Die Gesänge dieses Dichters werden noch heutzutage gleich den Ossianischen Liedern von den rührendsten Melodien begleitet, am Ufer des Ganges gesungen" (p. vii) 
Dalberg's impressive work was mostly well-received by the critics. The reviewer in the Neue Teutsche Merkur (1, 1802, 6. Stück, pp. 130-4, here p. 131) called it "ein Werk [...] von äußerster Wichtigkeit" and recommended it to everybody interested in this topic, not only scholars and composers but also "jedem Liebhaber und Freunde der Geschichte der Menschheit überhaupt". But not everybody shared the enthusiasm for Indian and Oriental music, especially not the more conservative musicologists who were of course convinced of the superiority of European music (see also Kovar, pp. 47-8). 

The anonymous author of a long and detailed review in the AMZ (Vol. 5, 1803, pp. 281-294, pp. 297-303) lauded Dalberg for his efforts to make all this material available. But he rejected the "now so often repeated demand for simplicity", warned not to confuse "Dürftigkeit mit Simplicität und Unbehülflichkeit mit Originalität und sinnvoller Kühnheit" and even accused him of "not doing justice to our own music to promote the interest in Indian music" (pp. 288, 292, 297). Another reviewer in the Neue Allgemeine Deutsche Bibliothek (Vol. 86, 1804, pp. 49-60, here p. 50) complained that both Jones and Dalberg expressed on occasion an "almost too great fondness for Indian music" and that they therefore even suggested that it had "certain advantages over our own music". This of course was not acceptable.


Later Dalberg's collection was used by the promoters and admirers of the "Volkslied". Professor Thibaut (1772-1840; see Baumstark 1841) in Heidelberg, influential music theorist and conductor of an ambitious choir, mentioned it in his Ueber Reinheit der Tonkunst (2nd. ed., 1826, p. 91). He also had one later collection at hand, Horn's Indian Melodies (c.1813; see Verzeichnis, p. 43), which was partly based on the Oriental Miscellany. Thibaut arranged some Indian tunes for his choir and they can be found in his unpublished manuscript, Alte Nationalgesänge (1820-40, see RISM, for example No. 27, "Meine Sehnsucht sie endet nimmer", i. e. Dalberg No. 22). Hermann Kestner (1810-1890; see f. ex. Hahn 2003/4) from Hannover, private scholar and collector of songbooks and songs who had spent some time in Heidelberg and had sung with Thibaut, also arranged these tunes and added German texts. Unfortunately his work was never published but at least his manuscripts have survived (see f. ex. RISM, 1831). 

Two other members of the circle around Thibaut, Eduard Baumstark and Wilhelm von Zuccalmaglio, were responsible for the very first collection of international national airs published in Germany: Bardale. Sammlung auserlesener Volkslieder der verschiedenen Völker der Erde mit deutschem Texte und Begleitung des Pianoforte und der Guitarre (1829, available at the Internet Archive). They could use his resources and apparently were particularly fond of the copy of Ueber die Musik der Inder. Besides Chardin's Persian tune - here a recent new edition of the Voyages en Perse and Rousseau's Dictionnaire were given as the source - they included five melodies from Dalberg's book, all with easy accompanying arrangements and new German lyrics: three Indian, one Chinese and "Mizmoune", the "Moorish Aria" originally published in Shaw's Travels in 1734 (see p. 75: Nos. 16, 19, 29, 30, 37, i. e. Dalberg Nos. 13, 46, 32, 41, 42). At least one of them (No. 16) had already been part of the repertoire of Professor Thibaut's choir. 

Most interesting among these pieces is an Indian tune originally published by Ouseley in the Oriental Collections that was transformed here into a "Volkslied". In his article "Anecdotes of Indian Music" he reprinted a piece of music from a Persian translation of an Indian book  from the early 18th century (plate after p. 78, see p. 75): 

After an analysis of the scale used here and some theoretical explanations he then attempted a transcription in a quite unusual letter-code (pp. 76-8): 

Dalberg transformed it into then into a tune in modern musical notation and called it "Persisches Lied" (No. 42, p. 37): 

Baumstark and Zuccalmaglio added a new text "nach einer persischen Originaldichtung" - although they didn't tell which one they used - and turned it into a song: "Die Erwartung", to be sung "mit Sehnsucht" (No. 37, p. 67, note, p. 76): 

That way an old Indian tune ended up in German living-rooms. At this point it of course had barely anything to do with the original version but still was regarded as an "authentic" representation of a foreign culture. In the book it was placed between an "Hebrew" song and a "Hirtenlied. Alt-Englisch" and a singer performing these pieces one after another made a trip around half the world and several centuries back into the past. Nonetheless we can see here again - with this this rather naive appropriation of this and the other tunes - still a kind of "innocent openness" to foreign music. 

But on the other hand these songs had a rather self-serving ideological function. They represented - thanks to Rousseau and Herder - a dreamland, a more natural, much simpler world. India - or Persia, Old England etc - in the living-room was the antidote to the "nervous" modern music like Beethoven's and instead offered "pure, and often truly heavenly delights" (Vorrede, p. I). Let's hope it worked. But at least some reviewers didn't take this kindly - especially not the rude attack on Beethoven - and had serious problems finding these "delights" (see AMZ 31, 1829, pp. 733-742; BAMZ 7, 1830, pp. 283-5). 

A couple of years later a rival collection of international national airs appeared, Friedrich Silcher's Ausländische Volksmelodien (4 Vols, 1835-41). Silcher also used some exotic tunes but apparently he didn't know Dalberg's anthology. Instead he borrowed two Indian tunes from Thomas Moore's Popular National Airs, his major source. One of them was "All That's Bright Must Fade", as mentioned above also with a melody taken from Hamilton Bird's Oriental Miscellany ("Alle Lust hat Leid", in Vol. 3, 1839, No. 5, pp. 6-7). This tune was of course already available in Germany since 1802 in Dalberg's book (No. 28, p. 26), but up until then it hadn't made any deeper impression. Only with Silcher's German version of Moore's great hit it became established as well-known Indian song. This shows that the same tune could migrate to Germany on different routes and become popular only with its second attempt. 

But this doesn't mean that Dalberg's Ueber die Musik der Indier was forgotten. In fact it remained on the shelf and was regularly used by orientalists and musicologists. Peter von Bohlen referred to Dalberg in his Das alte Indien (1830, Vol. 2, p. 195) as did Gottfried Wilhelm Fink in Erste Wanderung der ältesten Tonkunst (1831, pp. 56-7, 253, 266). Of course it was mentioned in articles about Indian music in dictionaries, for example in the Encyclopädie der gesammten musikalischen Wissenschaften (1840, Vol. 3, p. 693) and the Universal-Lexikon der Tonkunst (1849, p. 452). Kiesewetter relied on Dalberg's work for his Musik der Araber (1842, see pp. xv, 18, 23, 68, 78) and Ambros mentioned him in the chapter about India in the Geschichte der Musik (Vol. 1, 1862, f. ex. p. 43). Carl Engel in England was still familiar with this book and included it in the bibliography of his important Introduction to the Study of National Music (1866, p. 397), François-Joseph Fétis in France reprinted one tune in the Histoire Générale de la Musique (Vol. 2, 1869, p. 272) and so did Danish composer A. P. Berggreen in his outstanding collection of non-European national airs, the Folke-Sange og Melodier Fra Lande Udenfor Europa (1772, here No. 121, p. 96, see p. 102) although in the latter case it was only Steele's self-made "Melodie aus den Südseeinseln" (Dalberg, No. 53, p. 44). 

At this point most of the content was surely outdated. But at least some of the tunes survived and there is good reason to assume that some of them were still sung and performed in some living-rooms. In 1896 Breitkopf & Härtel published a songbook, a Volksliederbuch (available at the Internet Archive), by the late Victorie Gervinus (1820-1893), wife of historian and politician Gottfried August Gervinus (1805-1871) and also a well-respected music scholar who had edited a collection of vocal pieces from Händel's operas and oratorios and written an instruction book for singing (available at BSB). This collection of international national airs was put together posthumously from her personal manuscripts. From the introductory remarks we learn that these were the songs she used to sing at home, with her friends and family. 

Here we can find "Volkslieder" from Denmark, England, Scotland, France and other countries, but also some of the more "exotic" kind. There are three "Indian" songs of which at least one - with a text apparently added by Thibaut - can be traced back to Dalberg's anthology (No. 37, p. 34, i. e. Dalberg No. 22, p. 20; Thibaut, RISM). Additionally there are also two versions of "Mizmoune", the Moorish aria from Shaw's Travels (No. 55-6, pp. 60; Dalberg, No. 46, p. 39): the one from Bardale (No. 19, p. 33) and another originally from Thibaut's repertoire (see RISM) but most likely received from Kestner (see RISM) whom they knew personally. Not at least she also used to sing "Die Erwartung" (here No. 57, p. 61) as published in Bardale. This means that some of the tunes made available by Dalberg in 1802 were still known by the end of the century: they were part of the singing tradition in an educated household. And by publishing them again in this songbook their life-span as "Volkslieder" was once again prolonged. 

  • Vanessa Agnew, Enlightenment Orpheus: The Power of Music in Other Worlds, Oxford & New York, 2008 
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  • Friedrich Silcher, Ausländische Volksmelodien, mit deutschem, zum Theil aus dem Englischen etc. übertragenem Text, gesammelt und für eine oder zwei Singstimmen mit Begleitung des Pianoforte und der Guitarre gesetzt, 4 Hefte, Fues, Tübingen, 1835-1841 (available at the Internet Archive
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